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Pylkkänen (2002) argues that with transfer-of-possession predicates, the lower applicative projection is generated as the complement of the lexical verb. In this respect, Park and Whitman (2003) argue that in Korean, only ditransitive verbs which entail a transfer of ownership select the lower applicative projection with the multiple accusative pattern. Unlike their arguments, however, the indirect object (i.e., goal) in Korean is generated in [Spec, VP], regardless of whether it is a dative-marked goal or an accusative-marked goal. The ditransitive verb cwu 'give', which entails a transfer of ownership from the subject to the indirect object, can take multiple accusative objects, only when the ownership of benefaction such as special honor or benefit attributable to the direct object is transferred to the indirect object. When the ditransitive construction undergoes passivization, the accusative-marked goal undergoes A-movement from the structural Case-checked position (i.e., here, [Spec, v*P]) to the subject position. The overt object shift of the goal is triggered by its structural Case checking against v*