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One of the most recalcitrant problems in Korean phonology has been the explanation of the irregular continuative form wa( < *oa “come[continuative]”(cf. inf. o-ta) where, unlike verbs such as poa, pwa# “see[continuative]”(cf. inf. po-ta), glide formation occurs obligatorily without compensatory lengthening. In Kim (1999) it has been proposed that the exceptional behavior of the verb o- can be most aptly explained by positing its underlying form as *w√, whose stem vowel drops before a vowel-initial ending but contracts with the preceding w to become o before a consonant-initial suffix. Cho (2000), however, has criticized this analysis as being too opaque, employing a synchronically unmotivated underlying representation. This paper responds to her criticism by reviewing and revaluating all of the underlying representations posited in previous analyses while offering additional arguments for the abstract underlying form *w√.